For some reason ancient cultures all over the planet appear to have chosen to build and align structures on their sacred sites to the stars of the Orion constellation. While many people contend that this is the result of nothing more than our ancient ancestors reacting to Orion’s prominence in the night sky, others believe there may have been a specific method to their madness.
In 1983, author and independent researcher Robert Bauval suggested that the three ancient pyramids in Giza, Egypt were purposefully aligned by their builders to the three belt stars of Orion. This was the genesis of Bauval’s famous “Orion Correlation Theory.” While lauded by many in the independent research community, this foray into archeo-astronomy was not met with fanfare in the academic community. Many academics have come out loudly against this theory over the years, some going so far as to place Bauval in a new category called “pseudo archaeology” – a term created to help promote the work of academia by aggressively attempting to discredit the work of independent researchers. It may be difficult to understand how or why the ancient Egyptians would align their structures to Orion, but if they did they may not be the only ancient culture to do so.
Author Paul Burley contends that certain stones within Stonehenge align to Orion, and do so at many times throughout the year. Petroglyphs representing Orion and Sirius have reportedly been found inside the back chamber of Loughcrew in Ireland, a site (and markings) we were fortunate to have seen first-hand this summer along with Stonehenge on our Anarchy in the UK tour. Were the ancient Celts tracking Orion? Their counterparts in Mesoamerica certainly were.
We’ve spoken with three Maya historians to learn that their ancient Maya ancestors aligned structures to Orion. As our friend Israel Canto explains in this episode, the Maya aligned their oldest and largest structures in “triadic” groups of three to mimic the belt stars of Orion. Structures built in the “Preclassic” era (prior to 1000 BC) were built in groups of three, with a primary pyramid flanked with two smaller structures. This can be seen at the ruins of Caracol in Belize, El Mirador in Mexico and Tikal Temple IV in Guatemala. Typically the oldest Maya structures are found in the Lowland areas of Central America where Maya civilization reportedly began.
Some Maya to this day place three stones in a triangle on their hearth to commemorate the fertile region known as the “fiery furnace,” an area centered between Orion’s center belt star and two feet where his phallus would exist. Isn’t it odd that this region known as “M42” or the Orion Nebula is an extremely active region of star creation? That fertility as creation exists in an area of this constellation where a physical embodiment of fertility would be?
The ancient Nahuatl builders of Teotihuacan near Mexico City, the so-called “Birthplace of the Gods” also aligned the three pyramids of the Sun, Moon and Quetzalcoatl with the three belt stars of Orion. This “As above so below” approach to Orion could’ve migrated North with the Aztecs or their Nahuatl neighbors into what is now the Four Corners region of the United States as well, where the ancient pueblo cultures apparently venerated Orion as well.
Author Gary A. David, familiar with Bauval’s work applied it to villages and ceremonial sites built by the ancient ancestors of the Hopi in the Southwest U.S. known as the Hisatsinom or Anasazi. David found that the ancient Hisatsinom ancestors of the pueblo peoples of North America also got the memo on aligning structures with Orion. Not only do the three belt stars of Orion align with the three mesas on which the Hopi have lived for more than 1,000 years, but Hisatsinom villages separated by hundreds of miles are aligned with ALL the stars of Orion. As David also notes in this episode, the star Sirius – the dog star, a star also revered by the ancient Egyptians, Dogon and others – aligns with Chaco Canyon, an ancient ceremonial center that was possibly run into the ground by the wicked Chichimecs, oddly known as the “Sons of the dog.” Coincidence? Learn more at Gary’s website – he has published two outstanding books on Orion in The Orion Zone and Mirrors of Orion.
What could’ve possibly motivated these people to expend the time and effort to align structures with the stars of Orion, especially during a time in which survival was a daily chore? In pondering similarities between these ancient cultures we find they are all engaged in honoring fertility and fertility gods. Specifically, a god associated with grain. To the ancient Egyptians this god was named Osiris, and he is represented by the constellation Orion. His wife, Isis is represented by Sirius. The Egyptians watched carefully for the heliacal rising of Sirius annually, as it signaled the beginning of the flooding of the Nile delta bringing fertility to crops.
The Maya also have a grain god, a maize god called First Father or Hun Hunaphu. Very much like the story of Osiris, Hun Hunaphu was killed and resurrected. Interestingly Hun Hunaphu was resurrected through a turtle shell representing the constellation Orion. Not to be outdone, the Hopi have a deity called Massa’u as discussed by Gary David in this episode – a god who just happens to be associated with agriculture and the constellation Orion. Were all these ancient cultures bringing the stars of Orion to earth to honor a fertility god associated with the constellation?
It’s quite compelling to consider that the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, Celts, Maya, Nahuatl and Hopi – peoples separated by thousands of miles and years – not only relate to the constellation Orion intimately but in a very similar manner. They all meticulously brought the stars of Orion to earth, and they all worship a fertility deity associated with this constellation. Could this be the same god? In the story of Osiris, Osiris claims to leave Egypt after bestowing his wisdom there, in order to bring it to other peoples. Was there a globe-trotting grain god spreading his seed about the planet in ancient times?
There are only four ways this kind of knowledge can be conveyed. Either we are talking about the same people who populated the globe in ancient times, there was contact between seemingly disparate groups at a time we are told it was impossible, a third party took the knowledge from one group to another, or all peoples pulled this knowledge from the Jungian collective unconscious or what author David Wilcock calls the “source field” simultaneously. Interestingly academia sees this as nothing more than coincidence. However, if the story of Osiris is on point the work of independent researchers Jason Jarrell and Hugh Newman could shed new light on the situation.
Authors Jarrel and Newman are breaking new ground in books due in the coming months that will support the possibility of an ancient group or groups of globetrotting megalith builders who may also have been very large beings. Their work to date has already led us to journal entries from agents of the Smithsonian Institution who claim to have unearthed giant human skeletons on multiple occasions, and the subsequent efforts of Ales Hrldska and his Nazi cohorts in the U.S. Eugenics Society to obscure this history and keep it from public record. They were quite successful, but the books of Newman and Jarrel may turn the tide and bring much needed awareness to the obfuscation of our history by special interests. Will we learn that giants not only existed, but spread advanced culture throughout the world in ancient times? Stay tuned!
In this episode we ponder the draw of Chaco Canyon, the peoples who made the journey to Chaco from thousands of miles away and the ideologies that may have been exchanged between them.
Macaws from up to 3000 miles South of New Mexico were found at Chaco Canyon, brought by the Maya residents of the area at the time (850-1150AD). Macaws naturally impress themselves on their human keepers and establish a very close relationship, indicating that these sacred birds likely made the extensive journey to Chaco individual by individual rather than in bunches with a Pochteca trader. The feathers of these birds were employed in a ceremonial manner by the people of Chaco in much the same way they were utized in Mesoamerica, exemplified by the amazing Macaw sash seen below at the museum at Edge of Cedars, NM.
Similarly, the remains of turkeys from what is now the Eastern U.S. were found at Chaco, a bird that also travels closely with their human counterpart. Seashells from the coasts were found, in addition to turquoise from all over North America. As our Hopi friends Ramson Lomatewama and Bertram Tsavadawa allude to in this episode, Chaco was a central place for many indigenous peoples – the Hopi, Laguna, Acoma, Zuni and others, some of whom still make pilgrimages to the ancient site today.
Dave points out the small rooms around the perimeter of Pueblo Bonito at Chaco Canyon that were used as aviaries to house the aforementioned birds, in which their remains were found. At Paquime (Casa Grande), a site south of Chaco in Northern Mexico that arose in the 1300s as Chaco declined, the ancients added holes to the aviaries for the birds to pop their heads through thus extending their lives. Paquime appears to be another site where people from Mesoamerica interacted regularly with Indians of the Southwest, with clear signs of both cultures in the symbolism and architecture employed there.
Trade was certainly an aspect of both Paquime and Chaco Canyon that would’ve drawn masses from miles around, and there are many people who contend that this was Chaco’s primary function as a site. However, the magnitude, alignment and purpose of the structures at Chaco suggest ceremonial priority and focus on the heavens. Chaco’s structures were aligned to Summer and Winter solstices, Vernal and Autumnal equinoxes, and the 18.6 year Lunar Standstill or Metonic cycle. From the grandeur of Pueblo Bonito to many ceremonial Kivas and even the roadways themselves, the people of Chaco Canyon appear to have been focused primarily on spiritual endeavors.
In this episode Dave notes the obvious similarities between Chaco’s Great North Road and the ancient spiritual roads of the Maya called Sac Be. Both are raised and both are approximately the same width. Both required incredible amounts of manpower, but unlike the flat realm of the Maya the builders of Chaco’s roadways had to ascend cliffs and navigate challenging rocky topography while maintaining precise direction. Anna Sofaer’s Solstice Project comments that the roads of Chaco were extensively over-engineered considering their limited use, and that trade does not appear to have been their purpose. Furthermore, several pockets of pottery shards were found at specific locations along the road suggesting that it had a ceremonial purpose.
Bertram explains in this episode that Hopi ceremony is directed at maintaining balance and promoting the continuation of all living things on earth. The Hopi pray for all humans and have throughout time. The Hisatsinom ancestors of the Hopi may have assembled at Chaco to participate in an egalitarian society conducting ceremonies for such benevolent reasons. However, at some point it appears that a negative influence emerged at Chaco unleashing a campaign of terror and oppression. This, coupled with extreme drought led many to flee Chaco beginning around 1150 AD. Kivas were burned and sealed to hide their secrets and the site was eventually left to the winds. Where did the people of Chaco go?
Many appear to have established smaller communities throughout the Southwest such as Canyon de Chelly in 1200 AD. Hisatsinom villages built during and after Chaco’s decline such as White House at Canyon de Chelly were often built in difficult-to-reach and easily-defended locations like canyons and cliffs. This kind of defensive approach indicates that there was something nasty out there for these people to defend themselves from. The fact that we see these villages popping up in different geographic locations throughout the Southwest during the same time period indicates that these peoples may have all been fleeing the same negative force. A force which may have originated at Chaco Canyon. Whatever they feared, the refugees from Chaco may have traveled much further than the Southwest to escape it.
Geologist John Anton recently found signs that the diaspora from Chaco may have stretched to the Northeast. Anton found an ancient solstice calendar in Gettysburg, PA that utilizes a shaft of light interacting with a petroglyph stone, much like the ancient Hisatsinom calendars of the Southwest exemplified by the famous “sun dagger” calendar on Fajada Butte at Chaco Canyon. In addition to Summer and Winter solstices, the Gettysburg calendar at “Devil’s Den” tracks the Pleiades and Sirius – two important celestial bodies to many indigenous peoples, including the Hopi.
Unfortunately when Anton notified park officials of the petroglyph stone, it was mysteriously “stolen by a tourist” the day Anton was slated to meet with them on site. Similarly, a skull found on a Gettysburg farm that Smithsonian skeletal expert Doug Owsley found to belong to a young Pueblo Indian man from Arizona or New Mexico circa 1300 AD (just following Chaco’s demise) has mysteriously disappeared. Some of the people of Chaco may have moved East to exchange knowledge with the indigenous people of that region such as the Susquehannock, but it seems that there are folks in positions of authority in Gettysburg who wish this to remain unknown. What we do know of the Susquehannock is that they were very tall people, and they practiced cannibalism. Interestingly, the group that may have introduced darkness to Chaco Canyon shares some of these characteristics.
Author Gary A. David posits that the elite presence that may have seized control at Chaco could’ve been a bloodthirsty, power-mongering group from Mexico called the Chichimeca or Chichimecs – a group known to practice ritual human sacrifice and cannibalism. This would certainly provide an explanation for stories and evidence of cannibalism, sacrifice and mass murder in the ancient U.S. Southwest, and there is compelling evidence tying the Chichimecs to the darkness that appeared at Chaco. But more on that in Episode 10.
Whatever drew people to make the arduous trek to Chaco Canyon by the thousands, it must’ve been amazing. Rob captures our thoughts on Chaco Canyon best as follows, as we recap a day among the ancient ones around the campfire:
We’ll share more on the Chichimecs and Chaco Canyon in Episode 10. We’ll also be dropping a (figurative) bomb from the indigenous descendants of the people of Chaco Canyon – something that to our knowledge has never been captured on video. Stay tuned!
In this episode we expand our exploration of the subterranean ceremonial chambers called Kivas employed by the pueblo peoples of the Southwest U.S. We also question the existence and purpose of our culture’s secret societies today, which may not literally be subterranean but are definitely “underground.”
Kivas are sacred places where members of specific clans, phratries or groups gather to perform ritual and ceremony. They’re similar in many ways to the private chambers of clubs such as the Freemasons, Skull & Bones society, fraternities and other clandestine societies, though as Dave notes in the episode they certainly don’t host keg stands. Kivas can be circular like the many ancient kivas of Chaco Canyon, or square like those employed by the Hopi today. A hole in the top of each kiva allows participants to enter and exit via ladder, and provides a clear view of the celestial bodies above that drive certain ceremonies.
Kivas are used for many things, passing oral tradition among them. As our friend Bertram Tsavadawa explains in this episode Hopi creation myth is actually built into kivas, with levels representing the four worlds the Hopi have existed through to date. A replica of the Sipapuni is placed in the floor to remind the Hopi of the sacred reed that enabled their emergence into this, the fourth world. The appearance of a reed in Hopi tradition echoes the many “places of reeds” we come across in many other ancient cultures including the Maya and Egyptians. As far as using the telephone game analogy to discount the validity of oral tradition, it’s pretty tough to forget something that is built into your very existence.
It’s really no surprise that the occupants of Chaco Canyon chose to burn and seal their kivas prior to leaving the site, removing all the elaborate paintings from the plastered interiors and keeping future visitors from uncovering secret ceremonial practices. Whatever it was that the people of Chaco were fleeing, it must’ve been perceived as quite threatening to go to such an extent. Did mass ceremony at Chaco awaken dark forces? Did a strong central polity emerge, using fear to oppress the masses? From what were these people running in such a hurry?
Secret societies today enable our decision-makers and power brokers to act in private, keeping information from the public. In some cases this can be explained as merely keeping citizens on a “need to know” basis, free of details that are truly unnecessary to our daily lives. However, in many cases it appears these societies are keeping us from information about our past that is critical to our understanding of who we are as humans – information that definitely falls under “need to know.” After all, how can we possibly understand who we are today and where we need to be tomorrow without a firm understanding of who we were and where we came from?
On our recent trip to interview John Anton regarding two ancient stone calendars near Gettysburg, PA we were consistently road-blocked by “authorities.” For starters, the petroglyph stone John found under one of the calendars was mysteriously taken right after John alerted local archaeologists to its existence. In fact it disappeared the very morning John was scheduled to meet them on site, leaving John studying a dew outline of where the rock once sat. At least he got a photo. According to said archaeologist, “tourists must have taken it this morning.” That’s a pretty odd coincidence considering the stone had likely sat there undisturbed for centuries prior.
whereabouts. Additional calls were made to other entities with no returns, so we drove to the Adams County Historical Society to see if it might be there. We were then treated to what could best be described as a poignantly comical discussion with the society director, who went to great lengths to discredit both the skull and the calendars despite his lack of expertise (or interest) in any applicable field of study. He exclaimed with great conviction his belief that the ancient calendars were nothing but natural rock formations, despite the fact that geologic processes could not be responsible for the current positions of their stones – according to John Anton, a professional geologist. Said director also humorously explained that he was sure the skull was a fake because he had “seen the tag.” The tag. Seriously!
Independent researchers Jason Jarrel and Sarah Farmer have dedicated the past 7 years to date diving into academic research compiled by many entities over hundreds of years. Their only goal was to learn about the ancient mound building cultures of the Midwest that their history courses hadn’t explained to them, and what they found was far more. They have discovered blatant efforts on behalf of the Smithsonian to prevent our knowledge of the existence of many extremely large human skeletons that have been found throughout the nation by Smithsonian field agents, buried in ritualistic fashion under mounds of earth. We will share this research and more in upcoming episodes. Why would the entities we entrust to educate us go to such lengths to prevent us from understanding our past?
In this episode we also touch on the practice of breaking pottery for spiritual purposes. The Hopi would break pottery before offering it to deities or passed ancestors. Similarly the Maya would place what is called a “kill hole” in the bottom of pottery before offering it to ancestors or gods, making the vessels unusable on this human plane. They often placed pottery offerings in caves, which they saw as direct access points to the underworld (Xibalba) where the ancestors and gods live. This ceremonial practice of not only breaking pottery, but entering the earth to conduct ceremony is similar to the Hopi entering the subterranean kiva to conduct their ceremonies. As we have recently learned, there are many ceremonial practices of the ancient mound building cultures of the U.S. that are similar to both these peoples, and also to the ancient folks of the United Kingdom – where we’re headed to learn more soon. Ancient peoples throughout the world employed subterranean power places like kivas to commune with spirit – Are these locations access points to other planes?
In the meantime we ponder the shared practices of the Hopi and Maya, and wonder why our power brokers insist on obscuring our accounts of history. Whatever these people are trying to prevent us from learning, it must be substantial. Who is behind it all, and why?
In this episode we are joined in the field by author Gary A. David, who takes us to an ancient Hopi petroglyph panel at Homolovi, a Hisatsinom (ancient Hopi) village near Winslow AZ. The panel features an ancient star map of the cosmos, where we stop with Gary to discuss Hopi cosmology and prophecies. Prophecies that appear to be aligning with other ancient prophecies of the Maya, ancient Egyptians and Hindu, and even the Bible.
While a single spiral petroglyph indicates migratory departure or arrival of the ancient Hopi or Hisatsinom related to a specific location, a double spiral or whirlpool glyph is viewed as the “gate to Massa’u’s house.” Massa’u is the Hopi deity of the earth and underworld, and he does not exist on this earthly plane. So, in other words, a double-spiral marks a place at which one could access the realm of Massa’u via a gateway or portal to another plane. This reference to moving between planes is viewed as fantastic in Western society, but is quite common in ancient cultures.
The Maya view entering a cave as entering their underworld, Xibalba, the place where ancestors and gods reside. Stories of the Puerto de Hayu Marca or “Gate of the Gods” in Bolivia claim that shamen would insert a gold disk into a circular depression in the rock to open a doorway to other planes. Will such a gateway open at one of these locations to allow the prophetic return of a savior of sorts, much like the second coming of Christ?
We revisit Hopi end-times prophecies in this episode and ponder their similarities to other prophecies including those of the Bible. The Hopi await the return of Pahana, the True White Brother or Elder Brother, an aged white man from the East who will come to meet Younger Brother and usher in the purification. Younger Brother here is used as a reference to the indigenous peoples of North America, including the Hopi. The purification will take place under the red sign of Elder Brother, who originally travelled East to develop spirituality and will return to unite the world under one religion incorporating Younger Brother’s stewardship of the earth. Odd isn’t it, that an indigenous dark-skinned people would place a white man in their ancient legends despite supposedly never having been able to see one prior to the 1400s.
Some presume the “red sign” of Elder Brother to be a reference to the red rose cross of the Rosicrucians – an ancient order of mystics that officially banded in the 16th century AD. The Rosicrucian cross pre-dates Christianity, as do the mystic areas of Rosicrucian study which developed from esoteric teachings of the ancient Egyptians circa 1500 BC. Rosicrucians profess to be a mystical society interested in the metaphysical laws governing the universe. The Cross in the Rosicrucian symbol represents the human body, the rose represents the human’s unfolding consciousness. Such a practice would certainly fit the bill as suitable “religion” for Elder Brother to unite us under, meshing equal parts spirituality and science, sans dogma.
Like the Hopi the Nahuatl people who frequented Teotihuacan in today’s Mexico also await the return of an aged white man to usher in the Sixth Era, the human embodiment of the plumed serpent god Quetzalcoatl (Kukulkhan to the Maya). Many claim this is the result of indigenous contact with early missionaries attempting to assimilate the natives, but these legends are much older than the supposed first glimpse of Christianity-pimping caucasians in the Americas in the late 1400s. So are tales of Polynesian God Lono, also a white male. In fact just as Cortez was mistaken by the Aztecs as white male god Quetzalcoatl, some think Captain James Cook’s disappearance may have been tied to Hawaiians mistaking his appearance as the return of Lono.
The White Feather or Blue Star prophecy that some Hopi adhere to alleges that there are 9 signs leading to the purification, and as we have covered in previous episodes 8 of them appear to have come to pass (some believe the 9th has passed as well, though ceremony at Hopi continues as of the date of publication making this impossible). The Hopi hold high regard for the blue 6-pointed star or Star of David, and many Hopi claim they are descendants of the Jews who apply that symbolism. In fact the Hopi, Cherokee and other American Indians were generally assumed to be remnants of the “lost tribes of Israel” for hundreds of years after caucasians arrived on the continent – even into the early 1900s. What if they are?
We also mention the Hopi Life Plan in this episode, inscribed on Prophecy Rock.
According to the Life Plan, all people including the Hopi will face a decision to follow a path adherent to the earth and all living things, or one steeped in the materialism we embrace in our society today. All of humanity will then split. Those who choose the latter path (those shown on the upper line in the image to the left) are depicted as “two-hearts,” or materialistic people who are living a life in opposition to the earth and all living things, and some confused one-hearts are among them. These “two-heart” folks who embrace greed are going to have a very difficult path ahead, depicted as a jagged line in front of them in the image to the left. Those who live simply and follow the path of the “good Massa’u,” depicted in the image as an aged man with a crook-shaped planting stick walking into the future on the lower line, will live a long peaceful existence in harmony with the earth. As Gary alludes to in this episode the time to choose a path is upon us now. Interestingly Hopi Elder Grandfather Martin Gashweseoma, one of four Hopi elders entrusted with sharing Hopi prophecies with the world, asserts that there used to be a continuance of the jagged upper line around the corner of the stone that has mysteriously disappeared since he’s been visiting the petroglyph. Is someone or something showing us that the path of the wicked is getting shorter?
It’s tough to take any prophecies seriously anymore considering all the grandiose predictions and Nostradomic assertions that have failed to come to pass in recent years. Remember all the excessive hoopla over the end of the 13th Baktun of the Maya calendar on December 21, 2012? What a load of crap we got served over that one. Anyone who took the time to look beyond Hollywood’s ridiculousness understood December 21, 2012 as the end of a major cycle of the Maya calendar, and thus the beginning of another. This date marked the end of the fifth era of the Maya which began on August 13, 3113BC and lasted 144,000 days. When the solstice of December 21, 2012 took place, the axis of the earth was pointed directly into the center of our universe, completing a 25,920-year precession of equinox. This time period also marks – almost exactly – the time it takes our solar system to circle the Pleiades, a 7-star constellation which the Maya believe to be their home.
The Hopi view the Pleiades as their place of origin as well, and both peoples see our current existence as a time of great change and transition. The Bible may agree. There are 3 direct references to the Pleiades in the Old Testament of the Bible, and one potential indirect reference from Revelation 1:16 in the New Testament. The Revelation mention describes a vision of the coming of the Messiah, who appears holding seven stars in his right hand. It may not be coincidence that some biblical scholars claim that armageddon is on the way as we enter the Age of Aquarius – some suggest it is approaching quite rapidly.
Interestingly Hindu people mark this time as the end of the Kali Yuga, which some see ending as soon as 2025. The Kali Yuga is the last and darkest of the four Yuga cycles of each major earth epoch, and it is followed by the appearance of destructor god Shiva who comes to cleanse the earth. After Shiva mops the place up we will begin the Dwapara Yuga, which puts us back on a path to great peace and evolution. The Golden Age! This Kali Yuga reportedly began in 3102BD, pretty close to the beginning of the last cycle of the Maya calendar that began in 3113BC. Coincidence?
Like the Hindu, both the Hopi and Maya see major earth cataclysms coming as part of the transition into the next age, similar in many ways to the description of the apocalypse in the Bible. How are these accounts so similar to those of the Bible at a time at least 2,000 years before anyone was capable of crossing the Atlantic? Despite the distance, according to Grandfather Martin it is no mistake: Hopi prophecy and Biblical prophecy are indeed referencing the same event.
It has been nearly 26,000 years since all these cycles aligned in this way; the first time in our lifetimes that such compelling circumstantial evidence exists to support theories suggesting an end-times event. These prophecies not only align with each other but just happen to align at a time that is arguably the darkest hour of human existence on this planet. We may have technology but we step on each other to chase false materialistic signs of success, kill each other and the earth for corporations, and allow our poor and indigent neighbors to die hungry and homeless so we can buy overpriced coffee on the way to jobs designed to perpetuate the wealth of the wealthy. Considering the deplorable nature of society today it’s tough not to take these prophecies seriously. Especially if you believe that human life is in some way the result of divine benevolent creation.
To assume that all ancient prophecies are nonsense is ignorant bravado fueled by socialization, a symptom of our sickness. These ancient prophecies are rooted in spiritual and celestial cycles that are intimately related to the earth, and cycles repeat. Those who maintain relationships with the earth and spirit and convey oral traditions would know these cycles, those of us with our noses in celebrity tabloids would not. While we see the earth as nothing but a source of resources to feed our greed for accumulation, our indigenous brothers and sisters have enjoyed an intimate symbiotic relationship with her for thousands of years. Perhaps it’s our perceived lack of roots and connection that gives us our dangerously egomaniacal attitude toward the environment, it certainly doesn’t stem from intelligence. We’ve had the technology to implement safe, efficient long-term solutions to all our societal ills for years, but prefer to allow our two-heart “leaders” to continue miss-managing, over-producing and promoting scarcity to keep us towing the line.
We are on the verge of what NASA calls a “Mega-Drought” that will last 30+ years, and we are not at all prepared to deal with it. There are plans in motion now to remove the Glen Canyon dam holding back the rapidly-shrinking Lake Powell reservoir in Northeast AZ in order to re-fill Lake Mead outside Las Vegas, another huge reservoir that is dangerously low. This is not a long-term solution, this is a shell game. Reducing allocations is the only way to save the Colorado River but our nation is run by lawyers and corporations, so we’re going to continue to allow short-term corporate profiteering to out-weigh long-term human needs. There is only one thing more painful than watching this train wreck ramble on – two words: Disney cruise.
While it may very well be too late for our “civilization,” it’s not too late to take responsibility for our own lives and join Younger Brother in establishing a healthy relationship with the earth. Our government doesn’t seem to care at all about our welfare and neither do the corporations running it that are profiting from our situation – arguably one in the same entity. If we want to survive we need to learn from our ancient ancestors, who learned long ago from the same mistakes we are making now.
Those who follow the path of the good Massa’u remain adherent to the directions he gave the Hopi upon their emergence into this, the fourth world. Massa’u told the Hopi if they could find him at the center place and live simply like him, in accordance with the earth and all living things, they could live there peacefully in perpetuity. Hopi society has been living peacefully in their center place on the Hopi Mesas for more than 1,000 years to this day. As we stop to celebrate the 240th birthday of the United States we may also want to stop to consider a very simple and readily apparent truth: Due to our rampant exploitation of each other and the planet, our nation will very likely not see 300.
Diving into our explorations of Chaco Canyon, we look into the Hisatsinom ancestors of the Hopi who exerted the tremendous effort necessary to build such a magnificent place. What inspired them to build these grand structures and perform ceremony on such a large scale? How did they suddenly gain the knowledge to build and worship this way?
With the help of Gary A. David we learn about the Hopi deity Massa’u, god of the earth and death who greeted the Hopi when they emerged into this, the fourth world, from the reed or “Sipapuni.” Massa’u directed the Hopi to circle the earth in all directions prior to finding their “center place” on the Hopi Mesas of Northern Arizona, where they have lived for more than 1,000 years to this day. Hopi clans explored the earth in all directions, arriving at the Mesas from different directions, at different times, with different histories. Oddly we find signs of the Hisatsinom ancestors of the Hopi in many other seemingly disparate cultures around the world, in places history class tells us they could never have been. Clan symbols denote their presence, spirals mark departures and arrivals en route to migratory goals.
Massa’u oversees the earth and death, and like the ancient Egyptian god Osiris and Maya god Hun Hunaphu is associated with agriculture – specifically grain. All three gods are intimately connected with the constellation Orion. The ancient Egyptians saw Orion as the realm of Osiris and location of the Du’at, a purgatory of sorts the soul passes through on the way to a field of reeds called Aaru which was their conception of “heaven.” Aaru may be the source of “places of reeds” as sacred to some ancient cultures including the Maya, though many claim this is merely a reference to a large city. Is it coincidence that the Hopi emerged from a reed? That in the Bible Moses was sent adrift on a raft of reeds? That many ancient cultures claim to have escaped deluge cataclysms on reed rafts? That the ancient Uros people of Lake Titicaca still live on reed rafts today?
The Maya revere the Orion constellation as well, aligning their earliest structures in triadic formations to honor Orion’s 3 belt stars an often depicting the belt stars as the 3 diamond shapes on a turtle’s back. This may have come to them from the builders of Teotihuacan in the North, who aligned the 3 pyramids of Teotihuacan to Orion’s belt stars. The K’iche’ Maya people still refer to a triad of three bright stars forming a triangle in the bottom half of Orion as “the hearth stones”, and the hazy area below Orion’s belt is called “the smoke from the hearth.” NASA refers to this region as the Orion Nebula, or M42 – and it just happens to be a very active area.
The Maya also revere the center star of the Pleiades, Alcyone, as the home of their ancestors. The Hopi claim the Pleiades to be home as well, and each year the 7-star cluster begins to shine the Two-Horn society celebrates. The Two-Horn society of the Hopi is a sacred group entrusted with keeping and conveying the knowledge of the 3 previous worlds, and communicating between realms. Is it odd that the ancient Egyptians revered the Pleiades as well, as the “seven female judges of mankind” who would assess the dead prior to reaching Aaru? The crook is a symbol of power in many ancient cultures, including the Hopi and ancient Egyptians. The 7 stars of the Pleiades form a crook. But enough on the Pleiades for now, back to Orion.
As Gary A. David has found there is a 1:1 correlation between many ancient Hopi villages throughout Nevada, Arizona and New Mexico and all the stars of Orion. The 3 Hopi Mesas represent the belt stars, and Sirius – the dog at Orion’s feet, a star also revered by the ancient Egyptians – represents Chaco Canyon. It’s difficult to imagine the kind of effort and technique that had to be employed to complete this correlation, let alone the motivation.
The Hopi, Maya and ancient Egyptians understand upper and lower worlds as interconnected and to some degrees, inter-reliant. Every two years the Snake and Antelope Clans of the Hopi perform the Snake Dance. Dave incorrectly states in this episode that the Snake Dance is performed every year – it is not. He’s old and forgetful, that grey hair doesn’t lie. While the Snake Dance draws international attention for the perceived danger with which the Snake Priests handle venomous serpents in their mouths, we find the purpose of the ceremony of more interest. With the Snake Dance the Hopi are sending prayers to the serpents, who will carry those prayers to their ancestors and gods in the underworld. Performed in the Autumn this would place those prayers on the underworld inhabitants during the Spring, when their planting season begins and rain is critical. How cool is that?
As Gary A. David notes there are potentially several signs of the Hopi Snake Clan throughout the world. The Nagas of India, the Brotherhood of the Snake from ancient Egypt, the serpent-venerating mound builders (Serpent Mound), the serpent-worshipping Maya and Nahuatl peoples of Mesoamerica (Kukulkahn, Quetzalcoatl), and many more examples exist as possible sources and/or influencers of the Snake Clan. We will strive to learn more about this as soon as Gary is willing to endure us again.
In the meantime, we find acknowledgment of interrelated and interacting upper and lower worlds in many ancient cultures including the Egyptians, Maya, and Celtic peoples. We also see this in the ancient mound building cultures that once dominated the Midwest and Southeast U.S. that we’ve explored on our recent road trips. Ancient burial mounds were venerated as portals through which connection was made with upper and lower realms, and it seems that many are still quite active. Cross-
section views of some ceremonial burial mounds show that people – presumably playing a “priestly” role would enter the mound at a low point and walk up through the top, signifying a spiritual ascendance. The ancient Maya used the same choreography in emerging atop their temples and using caves, as did the ancient Hopi who placed secret entrances under ceremonial structures to facilitate the spectacle. Were they all merely honoring upper and lower realms, or were they actively communicating with them in these sacred places? Were all these ancient cultures related?
In this episode we reach the breathtaking ruins of Chaco Canyon in present day New Mexico, an amazing archaeological site with several mysteries yet to unravel.
Chaco Canyon was a major ceremonial and trade center for thousands of people from thousands of miles away. All roads led to Chaco, a very important site from it’s inception in 850AD to it’s sudden decline and abandonment around 1150AD. Small groups of hunter-gatherers inhabited Chaco Canyon for more than 8,000 thousand years prior to the mid 800s when the people of Chaco suddenly gained the inclination and ability to build massive multi-story structures and ceremonial chambers called Kivas aligned to celestial events. Chaco sits on the same 33rd degree parallel as other important ancient sites including Etowah Mounds in GA, Poverty Point in LA, the Intaglios of CA, the convergence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in present-day Iraq and the white pyramid of X’ian China. Who intervened at Chaco to convey this knowledge and initiate the building process, and why did they choose this particular location?
Kivas were built at a rate of approximately 1 per 30 rooms at Chaco, with each of dozens of great houses at Chaco containing 100-800 rooms. Among hundreds of smaller kivas are 21 larger Great Kivas capable of hosting major events. Two great kivas – Casa Rinconada and Kin Nahasbas – were separated from the great houses, others like Chetro Ketl were incorporated into them. Casa Rinconada has 28 square-foot niches around the perimeter, suggesting a lunar inclination. Some great kivas like Casa Rinconada share the “T” shape windows and doorways we find in several of Chaco’s great houses. We also see the “T” shape appear repeatedly in the structures of other seemingly disparate groups of ancient peoples like the Maya, who see the “T” shape as the tree of life connecting the upper, lower and earth planes – in other words, a portal. The “T” shape was also used by ancient Egyptians, ancient people of Peru, ancient Celts and the builders of Gobekli Tepe in present-day Turkey – interestingly also a circular subterranean ceremonial enclosure, much like a kiva. Gary A. David also points out the existence of ancient circular subterranean structures in a town in Uzbekistan, oddly called “Khiva.”
The dozens of great houses at Chaco required the use of an estimated 240,000 trees from forests 50-70 miles away and thousands of tons of stone. This indicates the existence of a strong central polity, a significant shared belief, or both. Many posit that the destruction of these forests may have contributed to drought conditions associated with Chaco’s decline, much like the self-destructive story of the Maya told by Dr. Jaime Awe. Unlike the Maya however, the people of Chaco didn’t use a lot of mortar, conserving their prized resource – water. Considering the Maya drought conditions heightened in 750-800AD, it’s not a stretch to consider the founders of Chaco were Maya who may have learned their lesson regarding resource management.
The great houses of Chaco were oriented to allow line of sight communication, and were often aligned to cardinal directions and solar & lunar cycles. The people of Chaco employed sophisticated astronomical markers such as the famous sun dagger petroglyph on Fajada Butte, similar to others found elsewhere in the
Southwest and beyond. They also constructed water control devices and several formal earthen mounds surrounding primary structures that many see as ceremonial – not the trash middens they were previously believed to be. This is intriguing in that it echoes the mound-building practices of the cultures inhabiting the Midwest and Southeast regions of North America at the time – cultures we have just investigated for upcoming episodes. Is there a connection between the mound builders and the ancient pueblo cultures? Are the ancient cultures of North America directly related to the Maya?
Chaco’s sphere of influence was extensive. To date more than 186 miles of roads like the Great North Road have been found emanating from Chaco in all directions, connecting more than 150 great houses throughout the region much like the sacred roads of the ancient Maya called Sacbes. High points have been found along sight lines with remnants of burned matter and mica suggesting their use as signal towers to bring in the masses. Because very little evidence has been found at Chaco to support a significant full-time population, it is thought that the great houses were not traditional farming villages but rather impressive public monuments that were used periodically during times of ceremony, commerce, and trading when temporary populations hit the canyon for these events.
Many indigenous peoples acknowledge ancestral ties to Chaco Canyon including the Hopi, Acoma, Zuni and Laguna Pueblo peoples. While the National Park Service claims “Chaco is central to the origins of several Navajo clans and ceremonies,” they do not explain how this can be considering the Navajo didn’t arrive in this region until the mid 1100s – nor do they explain that the Navajo are not a Pueblo culture. This is a common source of confusion throughout the Southwest, at sites such as “Navajo National Monument” which contain the ruins of ancient pueblo villages (Betatkin and Keet Seel) built by Histatsinom ancestors of the Pueblo peoples, not the Athabaskan ancestors of the Navajo. Perhaps some clans of the Navajo interbred and adopted Pueblo beliefs?
Pueblo descendants say that Chaco Canyon was a special gathering place where many peoples and clans converged to share ceremonies, traditions, and knowledge. They also seem to concur that dark forces were awoken at Chaco prior to its decline in the mid 1100s. Perhaps this would explain why the people of Chaco burned and sealed their kivas on the way out, protecting their sacred oral traditions from an intervening force. Pueblo villages built during and after Chaco’s end are built in cliffs and other easily defensible areas, suggesting people were running from something big and bad. There is evidence of some very nasty stuff going on in and around Chaco, as Gary A. David alludes to in this episode.
Researchers have found signs of peoples from far away lands at Chaco, including the remains of Scarlet Macaws and Cacao from Mesoamerica, turkeys from what is now the Eastern United States, and 111 special cylinder jars suggesting an elite presence. There are some who claim that Chaco houses a hidden library of ancient knowledge that has yet to be discovered. We found an interesting petroglyph at Chaco that the NPS rangers on site refused to acknowledge, explaining it as “naturally occurring markings.” Why would they work so hard to keep us from understanding this site?
Whoever intervened to inspire and direct the construction of Chaco Canyon, called Yupkoyvi by the Hopi (a reference to subterranean rooms), they were well-organized and had an overwhelming urge to enact the axiom “as above, so below.” Was a benevolent egalitarian culture overcome by oppressive interlopers, or was this gargantuan effort rooted in darkness from day one?
We’re on the Road2Ruins to Chaco Canyon to find out, join the journey!
In this episode we begin to ponder Hopi connection to the stars, and the potential influence of extra terrestrial and celestial sources on Hopi culture – do the Hopi people have celestial blood?
As author and researcher Gary A. David mentions, Hopi culture includes an integral ongoing relationship with supernatural spirit beings called Katsinas. Each year the kastinas fly from their home on the San Francisco Peaks near Flagstaff, Arizona to the Hopi Mesas on “flying shields” to assist the Hopi with agriculture and other pursuits. This rings similar to many accounts told by disparate cultures around the globe including the ancient Hindu Vedic accounts of beings traveling on flying “vimanas.” Perhaps not so surprisingly Flagstaff is an active area for UFO sightings and has been for some time.
Each year the Hopi ceremonial cycle commences, featuring a series of Hopi Kachina dances. Men don masks to personify these supernatural beings and in the process temporarily take on the beings’ supernatural life-giving personas. The Hopi carve kachina and cradle dolls out of cottonwood trees to commemorate the Katsina beings and convey their nature to children.
According to Hopi oral tradition Katsinas – celestial beings, not masked “kachina” dancers – have mated with Hopi women, meaning the Hopi of today carry celestial blood. This beckons biblical accounts of the sons of God (Nephilim) taking the daughters of men as suggested in Genesis 6:1-4. According to the Bible the nephilim were giant “men of renown” like the nasty one in the book of Samuel with 6 fingers on each hand and 6 toes on each foot. Odd isn’t it then, that we find petroglyphs throughout the Southwest of large anthropomorphic figures with 6 fingers and 6 toes. Yet more intriguing is the fact that a very large 6-toed skeleton was reportedly removed from underneath Pueblo Bonito at Chaco Canyon – where a petroglyph on the cliff wall behind the structure denotes a big 6-toed foot.
The Bible also references, “there were giants on the earth in those days.” Moses supposedly sent spies to Caanan who returned with stories of encountering giant beings, and many ancient cultures speak to the presence of such men. The Nahuatl people of Mexico claim that giants known as the Quitzimenin built the pyramids of Teotihuacan, and many have posited that giant beings constructed other ancient monumental structures throughout the world. Recently we’ve come across a slew of research suggesting giant human beings existed in ancient North America where they were both feared and revered. In upcoming episodes we investigate the giant phenomena in much more detail, but the fact that these beings exist in the oral traditions of many indigenous North American groups including the ancient Puebloans is intriguing.
Dave mentions that the “ant friends” saved the Hopi from the 2nd world cataclysm of ice, but according to oral tradition they also helped the Hopi escape the first world cataclysm of fire by taking the Hopi underground. Realizing the extent of cave systems throughout the Americas and the existence of amazing underground cities like Darin Kuyu, oral tradition begins to take new meaning. But who were the “ant friends?”
As author Gary A. David notes, the Hopi words for “ant friend” are “anu” for ant and “naki” for friend. This sounds an awful lot like the name for the Sumerian gods called the “Anunaki,” or “those who from heaven to earth came.” One would suspect that these beings would in some way visually represent an ant, but was this really the result of ancient aliens or is there another explanation? Considering the many linguistic similarities Gary has identified between the Hopi and ancient Egyptians, perhaps the ant friends were Egyptians with deformed skulls. They could also have been the Maya or Paracus people of Peru, or any one of a number of ancient peoples who practiced cranial deformation that would’ve produced an ant-like appearance.
(Above Recreation of Elongated Paracus Skull from Peru by Marcia K. Moore)
Pictographs and petroglyphs have been found throughout the U.S. Southwest of anthropomorphic figures that evoke an other-worldly feeling with ant-like features, none more than those of Horseshoe Canyon. However, we know the Hisatsinom ancestors of the Hopi like many other ancient cultures had shamans who would utilize hallucinogens such as Datura and Peyote to journey, during which time they would jot down their visions on the nearest suitable rock face. Were these odd-looking pictographs and petroglyphs the result of physical interaction or shamanic journey?
Seventeen years toiling through our so-called educational system and I just recently discovered the Hopi people. It’s difficult to put this failure of our educational system in proper perspective because there really isn’t precedence. In addition to being some of the most beautiful, engaging and hospitable people I have ever had the pleasure of encountering, the Hopi live an ancient history that could hold the key to understanding the existence of humans on this planet.
No, I’m not drunk.
The Hopi or Hopisitu (“peaceful people”) are not a monolithic group in the sense of many other American Indian tribes such as the Apache or Navajo, they are comprised of many different clans that adhere to the Hopi way of life (no need for “commandments” here folks). Hopi oral tradition explains how these clans traveled the earth in all directions prior to finding their center place on three mesas in Northern Arizona where they have lived continuously for more than 1,000 years. Different clans traveled different directions, and Hopi oral history accounts for each clan arriving at the mesas at a different time, from a different place, with different knowledge to share.
While world-wide travel in ancient times may be a bitter pill to swallow for some, there are many signs indicating the Hopi completed this journey. The Hopi share many intriguing linguistic similarities with the ancient Egyptians and the petroglyphs they create have been found all over the world. When they hosted Tibetan monks a few years ago the monks pointed excitedly at a geometric petroglyph on the mesas and exclaimed, “home!” This stuff probably doesn’t happen by accident.
The Hopi are comprised of a matrilineal clerkship system in which clan blood is thicker than any. Each clan has a distinct role to play in the annual spiritual wheel and each clan maintains their own subterranean ceremonial chamber or kiva for private clan and secret society ceremony, ritual and gathering. Kind of like a fraternity without the keg stands. Kivas not only host ceremonies but help convey the oral history of the Hopi people as well in the way they are constructed. Each kiva has a hole in the center denoting the Sipapuni or place of emergence (which is described as a reed) with multiple levels portraying past incarnations of humans on earth. According to the Hopi (and Maya) a major cycle is ending and we are transitioning into the next era of human existence on earth – the fifth to the Hopi and sixth to the Maya. The entrance up the ladder through the hole in the top of the kiva represents entry into the fourth world of today, perhaps symbolic of jacob’s ladder into the Milky Way. Our friend Bertram Tsavadawa of the Corn Clan provides a much better explanation of a kiva below, featured in one of our upcoming episodes.
Author Gary David has done some exceptional work researching Hopi linguistics and has found some very intriguing coincidences. Interestingly there’s an ancient city in Uzbekistan called “Khiva” that has been inhabited since 8000 BC that contains circular subterranean dwellings very similar to the Hopi “kiva.” The Hopi word “tawa” for “sun” is similar to the Tibetan word “dawa” for moon. The Hopi word “Sohu” means star (star of Orion usually), while the Egyptian word “Sahu” refers to the star gods of Orion. The Hopi claim to have been saved from past world cataclysms by the “ant friends,” which in Hopi language is “anu naki” (“ant friend”). This of course rings very similar to the Sumerian word “Annunaki” referring to a group of serpent gods literally as “they who from heaven to earth came.” Coincidence, or did ancient gods of the Sumerians save the Hopi at one time during their travels?
The Hopi and other pueblo peoples are migratory in nature, leaving clan symbols and spirals to mark their travels. Spirals have been found all over the world left by seemingly disparate groups of ancient humans, could they have been the same people? While we’re led to believe that all inhabitants of the Americas including the Hopi are descendants of peoples who crossed the Bering Sea Bridge (also referred to as “Beringia”), blood analysis confirms existence of the B Haplogroup among the Hopi challenging this theory. The B Haplogroup is shared by Turks, Mongols, Han Chinese, Indonesians, Koreans, Malaysians, Melanesians, Micronesians, Filipinos, Polynesians, Taiwanese, Thais, Tibetans, and Vietnamese. The B Haplogroup was distributed from Southeast Asia across the Pacific archipelagos into the Americas, and is most prominent among the Pueblo Indians of North America – though there is even a greater frequency of Haplogroup B in peoples of Central America, and an even greater frequency in South America. Many believe this indicates that the Hopi are descendants of the lost continent of Lemuria or Mu that supposedly sank into the Pacific around 12,000 years ago during a major deluge event that scientific research confirms.
Both the Hopi Pahana and Maya Quetzalcoatl are prophesied to return soon in the form of aged white males to help usher in the next cycle of human existence on earth. Why would the Hopi and Maya, two dark-skinned groups of people who were never supposed to have seen a white man prior to the late 1400s believe that a deity will return to them in the form of an aged caucasian male from the East to usher in the purification of the earth? How and why would the Hopi align ancient structures over hundreds of miles with the stars of the Orion constellation, just like sites of the ancient Egyptians?
The Hopi, like the Egyptians, Sumerians, Maya, Toltec and many advanced ancient cultures venerate a serpent deity in the “horned water serpent.” Their clans assembled over time in what they claim is the center of the earth or omphalos where they met their earth deity Masaaw and agreed to live simply there in harmony with the earth. The Hopi interact with star beings called Katsinas who visit them from the San Francisco Peaks near Flagstaff, Arizona annually on “flying shields” to help them with a variety of things including the ancient dry farming techniques that many Hopi still employ today. This interaction with other-wordy beings is not dissimilar to accounts in ancient Hindu scriptures of Vimanas, or the descending gods of the Maya.
Like most indigenous peoples the Hopi have endured years of unthinkable treatment from the U.S. government. They’ve also had plenty of trouble from their neighbors, who are still at it, chasing the almighty dollar in building a massive abomination of a “resort” on the cliffs above the most sacred of all Hopi sites – the Sipapuni or place of emergence. They’re also operating a few dirty coal plants to help Peabody Coal sap what little is left of the Hopi Aquifer. But I digress…
The Sipapuni or place of emergence of the Hopi is described as a reed – a plant that is also mentioned prominently in ancient Egpytian, Sumerian, and Toltec myth among many others. Interestingly reeds are also mentioned in the Bible, as Moses was set adrift on a reed raft. “Places of reeds” are regarded by many cultures including the ancient Egyptians and Maya as places of gathering, higher learning and/or mysticism. Reed rafts are described as the primary means of escape for many ancient cultures from the last world-wide deluge, which may explain why the Uros people of Lake Titicaca straddling Peru and Bolivia still live on them today.
The Hopi maintain an annual ceremonial calendar not only to petition for help with their crops, but to maintain the balance and rotation of the earth and the existence of all humanity. The Hopi refer to this balance as Lomakatsi. We are currently living in a time of unbalance which the Hopi refer to as Kyaanisqatsi or “life out of balance.” According to two Hopi prophecies, things may get a bit dicey soon as our life out of balance continues and a choice is made.
Hopi prophecy is known as the “Life Plan” and marked on what is known as “Prophecy Rock.” As the glyph indicates there is a point at which choices will be made and humanity will split – some choosing the path of the good Masaaw, others a materialistic life. Those choosing the latter will find life difficult and unbearable, and many will perish. Those choosing a life in harmony with the earth and the good Masaaw will live to old age. This split of humanity is shown in the far right side of the glyph, where the “two hearts” following the upper path find a bumpy road ahead, and those in harmony with the earth live long and peacefully – depicted by an old man with a staff on the bottom path.
Many also refer to the Hopi White Feather or Blue Star Prophecy in which 8 of 9 prophesied signs have come to pass, the last being the appearance of a celestial object falling from the sky followed by the appearance of a blue star. According to this prophecy, when the blue star appears a ceremonial Hopi kachina dancer will remove his mask and all ceremonies of the Hopi people will stop abruptly. When the spiritual ceremonies of the Hopi cease it’s time to get your affairs in order, as earth cataclysms and purification are following close behind. Though quite different, there are some similarities between aspects of the impending purification and those of what Westerners know as “armageddon” from the Bible.
While some liken the appearance of a blue star to the comet noted in the 6th prophecy of the Maya, many also see similarities with the Wormwood Prophecy from the Bible. According to the Bible Wormwood will appear bringing fire down on rivers and streams and making a third of the earth’s waters “bitter” in a manner that is deadly to humans. Oddly the Hopi and Maya both see this era meeting a fire-related end as well, and considering the damage we are doing to our water supply with fracking chemicals and GMO pesticides we could see Wormwood any day now.
For some reason the Vatican has taken interest in the American Southwest, positioning a high-powered telescope in the hills of Southern Arizona of all places – just south of the Hopi. The telescope is named “Lucifer” and like its namesake it is condemned to face the heavens for eternity. Is it looking for the blue star of the Hopi? Perhaps it’s time we all started paying more attention to the heavens, and to the Hopi.
It is clear that there is much we could learn from the Hopi and other indigenous ancestors of the ancient ones. Indigenous peoples like the Hopi may hold the key to understanding our past, yet we continue ignoring the wisdom of their oral traditions in favor of disposable written words and special interests. These people are our greatest natural resource and not only have we ignored them, we have made them prisoners of war for 500 years. Perhaps we are directed away from our indigenous brothers and sisters for a purpose. After all, if we took time to think beyond the veneer forest we’ve created we might understand our existence as the Hopi do: Understanding that the Creator has provided all the necessary resources needed by all living beings to co-exist here, including the means by which the human race can achieve a happy, healthy and self-sustaining life. That’s not profitable, it’s perfect.
The ancient, highly advanced Maya civilization of MesoAmerica committed civilizational suicide by ignoring the environmental impact of their actions and exhausting natural resources – basically living as we are today.
Dr. Jaime Awe, Assistant Professor at Northern Arizona University and Director of the Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Project (BVARP) recently concluded research showing that the ancient Maya not only lost their civilization to the far-reaching effects of extreme drought, they induced much of it themselves. Studying stalagmites (I know, the ones that point up) in Belizian caves Dr. Awe was able to cut into mineral deposits left by moisture dripping down over thousands of years. Taking slices in this manner he could measure the environmental impact of natural events over time, much like studying the rings of a tree. Dr. Awe’s team has found that there were several episodes of severe drought during the peak of Maya population approximately 700 – 900 AD – the end of what is referred to as the Classic Period. He also found that population growth was far greater during this period, causing cities to bump up against one another. This growth quickly stressed the region’s limited resources, leading to war. Basically the Maya fell victim to famine and warfare resulting from years of extensive deforestation for expansive cities, impressive gaudy monuments and industrialized agriculture, sapping the land of nutrients and drastically reducing regional rainfall. This led many to flee and others to die.
“There is no doubt that the level of deforestation as a result of the extensive agriculture that the maya practiced would’ve certainly had adverse effects,” explains Awe. “They had droughts before but it didn’t effect them as severely, but when the population increases these problems are exacerbated. Some of the biggest droughts occur between 750 and 900 and again a few hundred years later, and it coincides with the time when many of these sites are being abandoned.”
While many are aware that the vast majority of the Maya had died or fled MesoAmerica prior to Spanish arrival, none had tied the diaspora to a self-induced climactic event as Dr. Awe and his team have. One of the most severe periods of drought they identified coincides with a 25-year period from 750-775 AD during which
archaeologists have found 39 stelae (upright monolithic stone panels with inscriptions) commemorating major wars in the region. That’s right – thirty-nine major wars in only 25 years, most likely resulting from power struggles over limited resources and land. Cities had grown into each other and the primary need of any agrarian society like the Maya is land to farm.
“Around 800 AD we’re having some major problems with land, these cities ranging from 10,000 to 150,000 people, its just too many people for this area,” explains Luis Godoy, Yucatec Maya Historian and Guide. “The overpopulation and overuse of the natural resources led to famine, and of course in this period they were becoming enemies because of agriculture, land, when farmland was bumping and they were fighting for territory.”
Awe’s team used LIDAR technology, a type of radar that uses laser to “see” ancient structures through dense foliage. Using this technology Awe’s team was able to identify that the actual magnitude of Maya civilization in this region was far greater than previously thought. Able to see smaller settlements for the first time in addition to larger sites Awe found that the actual population of ancient Maya in Belize alone had exploded to an estimated one million people during the end of the Classic Period (700-900AD). One million people living in an area that now supports only about 250,000. When you run out of resources and land, you attack your neighbors. We are no different today as arguably every war in modern history has been driven by economic factors.
“Many of the wars that america has fought in the Middle East have certainly had an economic reason or purpose, you have to ensure the flow of that black gold,” explains Awe. “So certainly I think that with growing populations, deforestation, competition for finite resources, then eventually we see warfare increasing around the same time period, we see dietary problems, the nutrition people used to enjoy. Now they’re eating less protein, mostly corn, you can see the pathologies associated with that – like iron deficiency, protein deficiencies – so there’s a whole bunch of related factors that are being affected.”
“I think one of the reasons us humans don’t seem to learn that lesson could be partly that we’re a little selfish, or we think, ‘that’s not going to happen in my time, let somebody else worry about it.'” states Awe. “It’s almost like passing the buck and it’s a really sad thing cuz we’re talking about our own children, and i think if we start to think about it in those terms hopefully we will wizen up and say, guess what – it can happen in OUR lifetime, so maybe we need to start thinking seriously about how to address these challenges.” According to NASA we had better start soon.
While in Belize we were fortunate to have been allowed to film Dr. Awe’s latest work with his Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Project (BVARP) on a site called Baking Pot. Research suggests that Baking Pot served as the epicenter for Maya agricultural production for the region in two primary areas. Among recent finds at Baking Pot is a steam bath that was used by the elite who managed the agricultural labor on site. Despite the presence of elite and their daily supervision of the masses to build enormous monuments at the expense of limited resources, like the ancient Egyptians the Maya never technically practiced “slavery.” One could argue that the masses were certainly indentured to a degree, but the leaders were able to instill a common motivation in the people for many hundreds of years that faded over time as conditions worsened without relief.
Awe’s team found signs of increased societal stress among the ancient Maya in the conduct of more intensified rituals in Belizean caves, where many of the Maya fertility and agricultural gods were thought to exist. While in earlier periods of Maya civilization cave rituals were conducted to connect with one’s ancestors by leaving gifts and pottery, later rituals ramped-up to include the sacrifice of animals, indicating the desperate nature of an agrarian society trying to grow food without rain. They became so desperate that they began to sacrifice humans. The elite Priests saw their influence fading fast as the people began to question their connections to the gods. After all, you can only sacrifice so many people to appease the rain god without results before you start to question how well the Priest really knows this guy. This is not at all unlike the fading of our “American Dream” as years of political, economic and social corruption are finally coming to light.
Down the road at another site in Belize’s Cayo District Awe’s team found an enormous mound of chert that could’ve resulted from hundreds of years of creating tools on site. Just uphill from this mountain of chert is an ancient storage chamber called a choltun, similar to a granary used by indigenous North Americans. Choltuns like this one were often built with a hole in the top for drop-down access. Inside the chamber were the human remains of at least 2, possibly 3 or more young adults who had been buried or sacrificed there in addition to passages into adjoining rooms.
In addition to shedding light on the failure of ancient Maya civilization, Dr. Awe has been conducting research at two other ancient Maya cities near San Ignacio, Belize – Carol
Pech and El Pilar. Awe’s research at these sites is suggesting the Maya pre-classic period began around 1200 BC, or roughly 300-500 years prior to previously held beliefs. As enormous ancient Maya cities like El Mirador in Guatemala and Pacbitun in Belize continue to expose their secrets we may learn far more about the Maya and how they tragically sacrificed themselves and their civilization to feed the greed of expanding rulers and territories. We may find out that as Dr. Awe’s research suggests, when we look at the ancient Maya we are looking in the mirror at another civilization on the verge of collapse.
“I think one of the lessons we can learn is that in spite of the fact that these people created this complex civilization, you can make mistakes along the way and if you don’t correct those mistakes or if you don’t recognize what some of the impacts can be and try to address them its gonna hurt you in the long run,” explains Awe. “That to me is one of the most important lessons that we today in the present can learn from the past, that is you know, are the things we’re doing today sustainable and for how long?”
We would like to thank Dr. Awe, his colleague Dr. Julie Hogarth and the wonderful group of researchers we had the pleasure of meeting out there on the front lines in Belize who have chosen to dedicate their lives to learning from our past to help us avoid perpetuating the same mistakes. We hope to see you all again soon – keep up the great work!
The Establishment Has Already Acknowledged The “Lost Race of Giants” Pt. 1
By Jason Jarrell and Sarah Farmer
One of the most controversial subjects regarding the ancient prehistoric cultures of North America concerns what we refer to as the Unique Physical Types (UPT). For the purposes of what follows, these UPT are often gigantic humanoid skeletons with high-vaulted crania, occasional extra or pathological dentitions (including several reports of double or triple rows of teeth), and are usually discovered in the burial mounds and associated graveyards of the Adena-Hopewell, Archaic Cultures, and Southeastern Ceremonial Complex.
It is common today for alternative history researchers to tell the story of how these beings were discovered en masse throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. Historians, antiquarians, and archaeologists recorded the discovery of the Unique Physical Types all over the United States, with a large concentration found in the mounds and earthworks of the Ohio River Valley and along the Mississippi River. These accounts can be found in any number of county, township, and state histories, as well as anthropological literature from both inside and outside of the Smithsonian Institution.
Here are several examples:
“From a mound on the farm of Edin Burrowes, near Franklin, were exhumed, in May, 1841, at a depth of over 12 feet, several human skeletons. One, of extraordinary dimensions, was found between what appeared to have been two logs, covered with a wooden slab. Many of the bones were entire. The under jaw-bone was large enough to fit over the jaw, flesh and all, of any common man of the present day. The thigh-bones were full six inches longer than those of any man in Simpson County. Teeth, arms, ribs, and all, gave evidence of a giant of a former race.”
Jo Daviess County, Illinois
“The mounds on the bluff have nearly all been opened within the last two or three years…In all that have been opened the excavators have found in the centre a pit that was evidently dug about two and a half feet below the original surface of the ground…The bones in this pit indicate a race of gigantic stature, buried in a sitting posture around the sides of the pit, with legs extending toward the center. Near the original surface, 10 or 12 feet from the center (of the mound), on the lower side, lying at full length upon its back, was one of the largest skeletons discovered by the Bureau agents, the length as proved by actual measurement being between 7 and 8 feet. It was all clearly traceable…”
Kanawha Valley, West Virginia
“No 11 is now 35 by 40 feet at the base and 4 feet high. In the center, 3 feet below the surface, was a vault 8 feet long and 3 feet wide. In the bottom of this, among the decayed fragments of bark wrappings, lay a skeleton fully 7 feet long, extended at full length on the back, head west. Nineteen feet from the top…in the remains of a bark coffin, a skeleton, measuring 7.5 feet in length and 19 inches across the shoulders, was discovered. Within the village of Brownstown, ten miles above Charleston and just below the mouth of Lens creek, is another such ancient burying ground…At Brownstown, not long since, two skeletons were found together, one a huge frame about seven feet in length and the other about four feet, a dwarf and deformed.”
“Pursuing my investigations, and excavating further toward the south east face of the mound, I came upon the largest stone ax I have ever seen or that had ever been found in this section of the country. Close to it was the largest and most perfect cranium of the mound…Near by the side of this skull were the right femoris, the tibia, the humerus, and part of the radius, with a portion of the pelvis directly under the skull…Anticipating a perfect specimen in this skull, I was doomed to disappointment, for, after taking it out of the earth and
setting it up, so that I could view the fleshless face of this gigantic savage, in the space of two hours it crumbled to pieces, except small portions. According to measurement of the bones of this skeleton, its height must have been quite 7 feet.”
“In the same line of abnormality was the finding of one skull in which the detention reached the unusual number of forty teeth, the increase consisting of eight additional incisors…The formation of the skull found in the Larto mound, as compared with those of other localities, is highly anomalous…The anomaly in these cases can not be ascribed to artificial disfiguration, for, were it such, the otherwise symmetrical development of the other parts would be impossible…their remarkable conformation could not possibly have been the result of bandages or other external appliances, but was undoubtedly congenital.”
Etowah Mound Group
“Grave A, a stone sepulcher, 2.5 feet wide, 8 feet long, and 2 feet deep, was formed by placing steatite slabs on edge at the sides and ends, and others across the top. The bottom consisted simply of earth hardened by fire. It contained the remains of a single skeleton, lying on its back, with the head east. The frame was heavy and 7 feet long.”
These examples represent the various anomalous features of the Unique Physical Types (UPT), which were encountered in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Spatially and culturally, they illustrate the extensive temporal and geographical range of these types. The Kanawha Valley Mound Builders left their remains in an area where some of the oldest Fayette Thick Adena Pottery and diverse types of mound construction have been found. It has recently been suggested that sites in West Virginia may push the “acceptable” beginning of the Early Woodland Period back to 1400-1300 BC.
The samples from Illinois come from a region where Archaic era mounds have been found, often with Hopewell Mounds built over and into them hundreds or thousands of years later, as in the case of Elizabeth Mound 1 and Peter Klunk Mound 7. The Etowah Mound (Mound C) is ascribed to the Mississippian Cult, dated to 950-1450 AD.
After the Government and Philanthropies took over American Archaeology in the 1900s, the establishment undertook the policy of flatly denying the existence of anomalous remains. The actual beginning point for the revisionist tendency in the National Museum was very early. By 1851, E G Squier was working to debunk theories of pre-Columbian contact, and several decades later Gerald Fowke would attempt to discredit and jettison the work of virtually every researcher in the field up to his day, including the skeletal measurements of his fellow agents in the Bureau of Ethnology. However, the denial of the Unique Physical Types truly got underway during the reign of Ales Hrdlicka as the Curator of Anthropology at the Smithsonian (circa 1903).
Hrdlicka seems to have made a hobby of constantly disparaging the notion that anomalous skeletons were ever found. This was done in scholarly works as well as public venues:
“And the ‘giant’ and ‘eight-foot’ skeleton is to this day the almost stereotyped feature of many an amateur report of a find of skeletal remains in Florida as well as other parts of the country. All these reports…it may be said once and for all, are exaggerations.”
“Dr Hrdlicka blames the ‘will to believe’ of amateur anthropologists for many reports of ‘discoveries’ which find their way to his office with monotonous frequency…the purported ‘finds’ describe a race of ancient giants between 7 and 8 feet tall with bones and jaws considerably larger than those living today…Next to human ‘giants’ Dr. Hrdlicka reports, fancy finds its sway with human ‘dwarfs’.”
Interestingly, Hrdlicka’s name appears in several reports of discoveries of gigantic skeletons during his tenure at the American Museum:
“The skeletons of these Hitherto Unknown American Aborigines Showed They All Ranged in Height from Six and One-Half to Seven Feet…Excavating in the sand dunes of the sun-sprayed Golden Isles, Georgia, archaeologists have gouged out the strange record of an amazing prehistoric race of giants…What manner of men were these, the members of whose tribe all averaged six and one-half and seven feet tall?…Some of the first skulls to be disinterred by Preston Holder have already been examined at the Smithsonian Institute by Dr Ales Hrdlicka, foremost authority on North American Types.”
Currently there are a slew of books, DVDs and even at least one TV show documenting the exploits of modern hunters who are “on the trail” of the anomalous dead, who insist that if at least one of these skeletons could be found and presented to the “experts” it would somehow alter the professed paradigm of the establishment itself.
However, as we will demonstrate in Part 2, the “experts” have already rediscovered, photographed, and measured these types of remains.
Building Woodland Archaeological Units in The Kanawha River Basin, West Virginia, by Patrick D Trader, in Woodland Period Systematics in The Middle Ohio Valley, edited by Darlene Applegate and Robert Mainford, 2005
The Establishment Has Already Acknowledged the “Lost Race of Giants” Pt. 2
By Jason Jarrell and Sarah Farmer
We will now document the discovery of the Unique Physical Types (UPT) even after the institution of the mainstream policy of denial, or “post cover-up”.
The two pre-eminent Adena scholars of the twentieth century were William S Webb (assisted by Charles Snow of the University of Kentucky) and Don Dragoo, of the Carnegie Museum. When Webb excavated the Dover Mound in Mason Co, Kentucky, he encountered a group burial of 4 skeletons, one of which represented the Unique Physical Type:
“The remains of burial 40 is one of the largest known to Adena; the skull-foot field measurement is 84 inches (7 feet).”
The Burial Census Table mentions that this skeleton had a “very thick” skull and represented the “tallest Adena male” from the mound. For other burials in the Dover Mound the Table includes such details as “prominent bilateral chin”, “rugged head and face, wide bilateral chin” and “High Vaulted, large-faced”.
The Dover Mound also yielded skeletons with dental abnormalities. Burial 54 included “a supernumerary tooth with twin cusps, lying diagonally in the left maxilla”, as well as “shovel shaped later incisors.”
Recently recorded instances of Adena supernumerary teeth occur at McMurrey Mound 1 and Sidner Mound 1 in Ohio. One particularly monstrous deformation analyzed and photographed in the Ohio Archaeologist may be an extreme case of the type of dental anomalies found in the Dover Mound.
Webb and Snow also noted the large crania of the Adena, which they partly attributed to head-boarding:
Not only do the Dover people show the results of head shaping (deformation), but they exceed the total Kentucky series in the great width and height of the skull vault!…it is to be noted that the head shaping…has been extreme in these skulls…These people as a group…have the highest skull vaults reported anywhere in the world.
Another feature of the UPTs documented by Webb and Snow is the massive lower jaw:
“One of the outstanding and un-Indian traits present among the Adena people is their prominent and often bilateral chins…One of the skulls from the Dover Mound, Burial 25…represents a bilateral chin with a width of 52 mm.”
“One of the particular features present in at least one-half of the observed examples is the great width of the bony chin, formed by bilateral eminences rarely found among the skulls of the much earlier Shell Heap People or among the later Hopewell People.”
Besides the large skeletal type, Snow noted the discovery of the “Dwarf” type mentioned in early literature in his observations of the famous Adena pipe from Ross County, Ohio:
“Further evidence of abnormal Adena individuals is portrayed in a remarkable piece of sculpture in the round-the Adena Pipe figurine…The figure depicted is typical of this form of dwarfism.”
The text references the excavation of one of these creatures at Waverly, Ohio. The following description of this burial is from Gerald Fowke:
…a skeleton of peculiar form. It was not over five feet long, but the bones were very thick and the processes for attachment of muscles were extraordinary in their development. The skull was nearly half an inch thick and of unusual size, mostly back of the ears, though the forehead was full and high. The teeth were large, hard, and but little worn.
In 1958, Don Dragoo encountered the large Adena type while excavating the Cresap Mound in West Virginia on behalf of the Carnegie Museum. In a subfloor tomb he unearthed Burial 54:
“This individual was of large proportions. When measured in the tomb his length was approximately 7.04 feet. All the long bones were heavy and possessed marked eminences for the attachment of muscles.”
This discovery, as well as a review of Webb’s earlier work at the Dover Mound, influenced Dragoo’s remarkable observations on Adena anthropology:
“Two outstanding traits have been noted repeatedly for this group. One is the protruding and massive chin often with prominent bilateral protrusions. The second trait is the large size of many of the males and some of the females. A male of six feet was common and some individuals approaching seven feet in height have been found, for example, Burial 40 in the Dover Mound and Burial 54 in the Cresap Mound. Some of the females in the Dover Mound also were more than six feet in height. Not only were these Adena people tall but also the massiveness of the bones indicates powerfully built individuals. The head was generally big with a large cranial capacity.”
To Webb, Snow, and Dragoo, the evidence clearly pointed toward the existence of a group of genetically related elites within the Adena sphere who shared the UPT traits. The true number of these individuals had been obfuscated by the common practice of cremation:
“If, as the evidence seems to indicate, the burials in the tombs were those of a selected group such factors would have undoubtedly been of importance not only in the development of the prominent chin but also in the large stature. If only certain inbreeding individuals of the total population were members of the ‘selected group’, genetic factors would also have played an important part in the establishment of the unique Adena physical type…How wide-spread throughout the entire Adena population were the unique traits of the tomb burials is unknown but Snow’s study of the cremated remains from the Dover Mound indicated that at least some of the individuals among these cremated remains also possessed the unique traits of the flesh burials in the tombs. Because of the common practice of cremating most of the dead, we will probably never be able to determine the full extent of these special traits in the general population.”
The emerging picture is of an elite race within Late Archaic/Early Woodland societies who were often buried in the mounds, and who represented a type of “royalty.” Among these interrelated groups were UPTs. This elitism is further evidenced by the presence of extensive child and infant burials in the tombs, often accompanied by the same exotic goods as the adults including shell beads and copper rings. Also, dental and bone anomalies have been used to establish a genetic connection between individuals at mound sites.
Gigantic discoveries are often challenged with the generic statement that average Adena were between 5’6’’ and 5’11’’ feet tall, but this argument is a conjecture of half-truth disguised as science. We are not concerned with the “average” stature of the Adena populace, but rather the irregular characteristics (and often abnormally tall stature) of their elite.
Besides the professional literature, so-called “amateur” archaeologists have also chronicled conclusive evidence of Unique Physical Types with a great consistency to the discoveries of Dragoo and Webb. In 1908, Louis Welles Murray recorded that at Tioga Point in Pennsylvania, remains of “a skeleton of a man six or more feet in height” beneath a cist-like grave were found. The grave itself was encased and moved to the local museum where the bones were studied by hundreds of people. Other skeletons from this same area “were of unusual size; one, judged from the length of thigh bone, to be seven feet.”
In addition to these, Murray documents the examination of a large skeleton by a Professor Holbrooke:
“Judging by the thigh bone he must have been seven feet tall. The skull was much larger than usual, very thick, the forehead unusually receding, the top flattened. The jaws were extremely strong, full of large, perfect teeth.”
Following the discovery of burials in her own flower garden, Murray embarked on an archaeological odyssey of her own. In 1921, she published an article for the American Anthropologist, noting that the femur, jaw, and teeth of one of the seven-foot skeletons was then still in the Tioga Point Museum. Also included are references to many skeletons between 6 and 7 feet tall, with photographs of artifacts, pottery, and the in situ burial of one of the “above 6ft” burials. The article also features a photograph of the “Paul Scott Collection”, described as “a multiplicity of small artifacts, suggesting a race of pygmies” which included a “miniature amulet and sinker stones.”
Regardless of the disparagement of amateurs, historians, and antiquarians, the credentials of Webb, Snow, and Dragoo have never been brought into question. With so many researchers scrambling today to discover irrefutable evidence of gigantic or otherwise anomalous beings to prove their existence, the authors question why they do not simply present the works of William S Webb and Don Dragoo to anthropologists, and more importantly, their audiences.
While the concept of a mysterious and undiscovered race may create an air of sensationalism healthy for selling books and DVDs, it is of far more relevance to demonstrate that the Unique Physical Types were documented by mainstream archeologists all the way up through the 20th century, even after the institutionalized policy of denial.
The Dover Mound, William S Webb and Charles Snow 1959. The measurement of the giant is on page 22, the burial census is on pages 29-32, and the dental anomalies are photographed on page 43.
Mortuary Variability in the Middle Big Darby Drainage of Central Ohio Between 300 BC and 300 AD Volume 1, Bruce Aument.
The Archaeological History of Ohio, by Gerald Fowke, page 372.
Mounds for the Dead, by Don Dragoo (1963). Burial 54 is measured and described on page 67, and an actual photograph of the skeleton in situ appears on page 50. The section on Anthropology of Adena is essential reading.
In the 1800s, reports began to surface of the discovery of very large skeletal remains in the burial mounds of North America. These skeletons were described as reaching 7-8 feet in length (with a lower frequency of discoveries spanning 9-11 ft in length), and having very large skulls and gigantic lower jawbones. Historians often detailed these remains in early local historical records, such as the following from Cass County, Michigan:
“It was a mound about thirteen feet high….the diameter of its base was about fifty feet…Portions of the skeletons were in a good state of preservation. The femur, or thigh bone, of one of the males, which Dr Bonine has now in his possession, is of great size and indicates that its owner must have been at least seven feet in height” -Alfred Matthews, History of Cass County, Michigan 1882
Antiquarians also wrote about the anthropology of the tall ones in prehistoric mounds. The following is an account from Chillicothe, Ill. from American Antiquarian, Vol 2 No 1 (1879):
“A recent exploration of a mound near this place resulted in some interesting discoveries…The form was large, the jaws massive, and the teeth perfect.”
As is well known, 19th and early 20th century newspapers frequently ran stories of gigantic skeletons found throughout the country. The following report from Portsmouth, Ohio was ran by the News Herald on January 3rd,1895:
“Bridge Carpenters on the N. & W. R. R. found a gigantic skeleton while excavating, three miles east of Portsmouth, a few days ago. The skeleton measured, 7 feet, 4 inches…”
In the 1880s, the Eastern Mound Division of the Smithsonian discovered a number of gigantic skeletons in their wanton destruction of North American tumuli. The 12th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology documents numerous gigantic skeletons found by Smithsonian agents:
“Near the original surface (of the mound)…lying at full length upon its back, was one of the largest skeletons discovered by the Bureau agents, the length as proved by actual measurement being between 7 and 8 feet.”
“In the center (of mound 11), 3 feet below the surface, was a vault 8 feet long and 3 feet wide. In the bottom of this…lay a skeleton fully 7 feet long…”
“The length from the base of the skull to the bones of the toes was found to be 7 feet 3 inches. It is probable, therefore, that this individual when living was 7.5 feet high.”
The twentieth century saw the rediscovery of the ancient giants by mainstream archeologists. Working with Charles Snow, William S Webb (University of Kentucky) positively identified the unique skeletal features noted by the early sources with the people of the Adena Mound Building Culture. Webb and Snow’s analysis of the anthropology of Adena was described in The Adena People Number 1 (1945) and number 2 (co-written with Raymond S Baby, 1957):
“The forehead is typically a prominent one, bordered below by fairly prominent brow ridges….The characteristic bulge of the upper and lower jaws (alveolar prognathism) is moderate in projection…Usually the cheek bones are not only of large size in themselves but they have a forward and lateral prominence…” (Webb Snow and Baby, 1957)
In addition to these strong features, Webb Snow and Baby (1957) remarked upon the “great width of the bony chin, formed by bilateral eminences”.
The typical Adena crania were extremely high vaulted (brachycephalic):
“Approximately 89% of the adult males, 92% of the adult females are brachycephalic.” (Webb and Snow 1945)
In their report on the Dover mound in Kentucky, Webb and Snow noted that the Adena crania to represent the “highest skull vaults reported anywhere in the world” (Webb and Snow, The Dover Mound. 1959) Cephalic indices measured for Adena range from 89 to 100. (Webb, Snow and Baby 1957)
The Adena People practiced artificial flattening of the occipital region, which added height to the cranial vault. This practice merely enhanced congenital features:
“…those skulls with slight or no deformation (undeformed) present similar proportions”.(Webb and Snow, 1945)
“It is likely that many, if not most, of the skull characteristics so typical of Adena are of genetic nature…”(Webb, Snow and Baby 1957)
At the Dover Mound, Webb encountered a 7 ft tall skeleton with these notable Adena features (burial 40):
“…the remains of burial 40 is one of the largest known to Adena; the skull-foot field measurement is 84 inches (7 feet).” ( Webb and Snow, 1959)
In 1958, Don Dragoo of the Carnegie Museum uncovered the remains of an individual “of large proportions” in a subsurface tomb at the lowest strata of the Cresap Mound in West Virginia. Burial 54 as described by Dragoo in Mounds for the Dead (1963):
“When measured in the tomb his length was approximately 7.04 feet. All the long bones were heavy and possessed marked eminences for the attachment of muscles.”
Dragoo described the unique traits of Adena, including the “protruding and massive chin” with “prominent bilateral protrusions”, as well as “individuals approaching seven feet in height”. (Dragoo, 1963)
It is important to note that in considering this information from Webb, Snow, and Dragoo, regularly occurring gigantic members are not the only unique features of the Adena People:
“Not only were these Adena People tall but also the massiveness of the bones indicates powerfully built individuals. The head was generally big with a large cranial capacity.” (Dragoo, 1963)
Working in the 20th century, Webb, Snow and Dragoo essentially corroborated the findings of the earlier antiquarians and linked the gigantic skeletal types with a specific culture. Following this, the pioneering research of Ross Hamilton and the late Vine Deloria set a scholarly standard for giantology, synchronizing the Native and Archeological records in Hamilton’s unsurpassed work, A Tradition of Giants. And yet, in spite of this tradition of rediscovery no satisfactory reconstruction of an Adena giant has ever been undertaken. While we are routinely reminded of the dimensions of the giants in volumes reprinting multiple hundreds of accounts of their discovery, we have been denied imagery representing their living form. While numerous other anomalies (such as the Paracas and “Starchild” crania) have received due attention, the gigantic Adena have remained shrouded in mystery. In May of 2015, the authors undertook a joint venture with the legendary Marcia K Moore to remedy this situation.
Marcia is best known as the premier artist recreating the living images of the elongated crania of Peru, associated with the Paracas People. Her work has appeared in the books of Brien Foerster and L.A. Marzulli and has been featured on the Ancient Aliens TV series, with Marcia herself occasionally appearing on the show (Ancient Aliens: Alien Evolution).
The skull used for the Adena recreation was that of burial 16 from the Wright Mounds in Kentucky, photographed in figure 25 of The Adena People No1, where it is described as showing “pronounced” deformation. In Skeletal Material from the Wright Site, Montgomery County, Kentucky (1940) H.T.E. Hertzberg noted that the crania of the Wright site featured the large, prognathic lower mandibles typical of Adena, and although artificially deformed, the series demonstrated the large congenital features detailed by Webb, Snow and Dragoo:
“…deformed as they are, these crania display a pronounced brachycrany…it may be noticed that four skulls…displaying submedium deformation, also give an average cranial index of over 90%. Thus the inference is that these people would have shown pronounced brachycrany even without deformation…”
The dimensions of the Adena giant were derived from several sources with corroborating details. Among these, the authors referenced the hand written field notebook of P. W. Norris, the agent of the Bureau of Ethnology who excavated the Adena mounds at Charleston, West Virginia in 1883 and 1884 (Smithsonian Manuscript, Norris Mound Excavations). Several mounds at Charleston yielded skeletons 7 ft long. At the Great Smith Mound, Norris encountered a house like timber structure 12 x 13 feet broad and 6 feet high, reaching 10 feet at the ridged top. Within this structure was a “gigantic and prominent personage, surrounded by 5 of his (probably volunteer) warriors…” Norris measured the central burial in situ and described it as “a gigantic human skeleton 7 feet 6 inches in length and 19 inches between the shoulders…” Elsewhere in the manuscript, this skeleton is regularly referred to as “the giant” or “gigantic”. Significantly, this particular burial was wrapped in bark and covered with a dry clay. This certainly suggests that the in situ measurements would have been accurate, rather than the product of some type of disarticulation due to the weight of the mound mass, as mainstream sources often claim.
The measurements provided by Norris are similar to those from several other sources, including this account of a gigantic specimen unearthed by Warren K Moorehead in Ohio, documented in his Primitive Man in Ohio (1892):
“Six feet above these remains was found the partial skeleton of a man almost a giant in size….The breadth across the shoulders, with the bones correctly placed, was nineteen inches…”
The anthropological details of Adena recorded by Webb, Snow and Dragoo and the early historians and antiquarians corroborate Norris’ account and indicate individuals approaching 8 feet tall. Since a high frequency of reports describe skeletons reaching this height, the data was used by Marcia to formulate the likely dimensions and appearance of an 8 ft tall Adena in the flesh.
Marcia has done more than merely provide a visual for a tall member of a prehistoric population. The Adena giant represents a truly unique form of humankind, which until now has only been suggested by the multitude of Newspaper and Historical accounts regularly reprinted in the giantology market place. The recreation of a very large member of Webb, Snow and Dragoo’s “unique group of honored dead” provides a glimpse into the distant past, a snapshot from beyond the veil pulled over history by the establishment a century ago.
Marcia is currently working with the authors on a book to be published in 2016 that will feature an extensive set of her recreations of Adena and Adena-like individuals from the burial mounds of North America and around the world. This important visual work will accompany the presentation of 7000 years of obfuscated world history.
The Giants of Doddridge County
By Jason Jarrell and Sarah Farmer
(This article contains reference to an anonymous source. Although we have a rule of not using anonymous sources in our published work, we have made an exception in this case, since we feel that the possibilities yielded by this investigation could be of some importance.)
In summer of 1930, a series of Newspaper articles appeared describing a most sensational discovery: a race of gigantic beings unearthed from two burial mounds in Doddridge County, West Virginia. According to the Clarksburg Daily Exponent for June 15th, 1930, in an article entitled Two Prehistoric Indian Mounds Found Near Morgansville (by Bruce Horton), the mounds were located on the farm of Benjamin Zahn in Morgansville, 12 miles west of Salem. The article mentions that Professor Ernest Sutton of Salem University carried out excavations.
The article makes remarkable claims regarding the “now vanished race” found buried in the mounds:
“The particular tribe or race which inhabited this section of the state is believed to have been composed of individuals ranging from seven to nine feet in height…”
Of the two mounds, the Exponent article notes that one, being “six feet in height and nearly fifteen feet in diameter” contained a type of megalithic chamber “shaped from large, flat rocks”, which was “carefully and tightly packed with clay”. Within the chamber was one sitting burial, considered to be a chief. The Exponent explains that the second mound was “ten feet high and about sixty feet in diameter”, featuring three burials, one of which was “a man of height, strength and power, measuring seven feet, six inches tall”, buried near the center of the mound and “carefully covered by flat stones”. Another skeleton from the same mound is described as being “hermetically sealed in a case of clay”.
Another article, entitled Salem Professor Discovers Huge Skeletons in Mounds appeared in the Charleston Gazette for June 15th, 1930. According to the Gazette , the mounds contained “what Prof. Ernest Sutton, head of the history department of Salem College, believes is valuable evidence of a race of giants who inhabited this section of West Virginia more than 1000 years ago.” Again four burials are mentioned from the two mounds, measurements “indicating they were from seven to nine feet tall”. The burial sealed in clay is again mentioned, with a measurement given of “seven and a half feet tall”.
In the spring of 2015, the authors undertook an investigation of these discoveries made long ago. To begin with, the press articles all mention that Sutton sent the artifacts from the Zahn Farm mounds to the Smithsonian Institution. In fact, the acquisitions records of the Smithsonian do note the donation of several artifacts from the “Zahn-Maxwell Mound”, including a stemmed point, slate gorget, and a sandstone disk. The disk itself is mentioned in the press articles, noted as featuring several engraved lines on one side. These three artifacts are manually assigned to Ernest Sutton and Oris Stutler in the acquisitions journal at the Smithsonian, with a date of donation of July 9th, 1930. These are without doubt artifacts from the mounds in question and the material can be viewed at the online Smithsonian Collections Search Center.
Sutton himself published a paper detailing the excavations of the mounds in the 10th volume of the West Virginia Archaeologist in 1958. According to Sutton, the two mounds, dubbed Do-1 and Do-2, were located on a steep hill 400 feet above the village of Morgansville. Do-2 was the Zahn-Maxwell Mound, the actual dimensions of which were 10 feet in height and 75 feet in diameter. Sutton documents four extended burials, one of which was encased in a type of baked clay, as well as the presence of red and yellow ocher in some burials.
Sutton refers to Do-1 as the Zahn Mound, measured as 12 feet in diameter and 3 feet high. The report offers extensive details regarding the burial in the stone chamber mentioned in the Newspapers:
“The body had evidently been placed in a sitting position on a large flat rock with the legs extended toward the large mound. Skull, chest, and pelvic bones were in one mass on top of the rock. The leg and foot bones extended beyond the rock in the direction of the larger mound.”
Interestingly, Sutton notes that even though no “artifacts or articles of adornment were found with the skeletal remains”, he and his assistant, Page Lockard, felt that the burial was “very unusual”, and that “the person who had been buried here was of more than average importance.” Page Lockard himself seems to have had great interest in this particular skeleton:
“Mr. Lockard collected the bones and took them home with him.”
Sutton later removed the large stone upon which the skeleton was found, uncovering four cache blades, pipe fragments, a bone awl, flint scraper, black arrowhead, and a bluish gray banner stone broken in two.
Significantly, a comparative study reveals that the Newspaper accounts, published 29 years before Sutton’s own document, were almost perfectly accurate in their details. For example, the Clarksburg Daily Exponent notes that the first evidence of burial in the Zahn-Maxwell mound was “charcoal lumps and some evidence of burnt bone” found in an excavation trench from the east side of the mound. Sutton himself describes the same area containing “dark organic material” and “bits of ashes and charcoal”. The Exponent also mentions that “the entire mound had been covered by loose rocks”, while Sutton states that the “mound was covered with a good protective layer of rock, sandstone, of varying sizes”. The Exponent describes the sandstone disk as 3 inches in diameter, with Sutton’s report giving the same diameter and a thickness of 3/16ths of an inch. The Exponent even accurately describes the artifacts discovered by Sutton beneath the large stone platform in the Zahn Mound:
“…beneath the large rock upon which he (the burial) sat were buried his pipe, banner stone, arrow heads, spear points, and other instruments chipped from flint rocks”
Regarding the body “hermetically sealed,” the Exponent suggests that the body had been “covered and sealed” in clay which was then heated in a process during which were “many different applications of clay and many different bakings,” which mirrors Sutton’s own interpretation that “the body had been encased in the puddled clay and then the clay baked or heated.” The Charleston Gazette mentions that this skeleton, “enclosed in a casting of clay” was the “best preserved” in the mound, “with all the vertebrae and other bones excepting the skull” intact. This matches Sutton’s description of the burial, mentioning that “this was the first complete skeleton found, and that the “skull of this skeleton still remains in the mound.”
The purpose of this digression is to illustrate that in this rare instance, the accuracy of a newspaper account of mound excavations can be discerned by cross reference with the actual work of the excavator. The data presented by the two press articles is of near accuracy in regards to those features also described by Sutton himself, except for some discrepancies in mound size. This is in stark contradiction to the assumptions of critics of giantology who frequently attribute the claims of the press relating to excavations in the 19th and 20th centuries to pure sensationalism.
One crucial element missing from Ernest Sutton’s report are the measurements of skeletons. However, there is evidence between the two newspaper accounts and Sutton’s report that would suggest that the claims of gigantic skeletons were also accurate. Both the Exponent and the Gazette attribute one gigantic frame to the Zahn-Maxwell mound (Do-2). The discrepancy is that the Exponent claims the “seven feet, six inches tall” skeleton was found near the center of the mound, while the Gazette mentions that it was the clay casted skeleton which was “seven and a half feet tall”. Since both articles, and Sutton himself, note that this clay casted burial was the best-preserved skeleton in the mound, we submit that this could have represented one of the two giants supposedly found on site.
The only other skeleton from the site with remains sufficiently intact for measurement, according to Sutton, would be the single burial in the stone chamber from the Zahn Mound (Do-1). Since the press reports unanimously attributed the 7.6 ft tall skeleton to the Zahn-Maxwell Mound (Do-2), it would stand to reason that the single burial from the Zahn Mound (Do-1) was the source for the nine-foot tall skeleton reported by both the Exponent and the Gazette. Could the extraordinary size of this skeleton have been the reason why Page Lockard took it away?
There may be an explanation for why Sutton chose not to include the skeletal measurements in his report. In fact, the absence of measurements could represent validation of the gigantic size of some of the remains. It is important to note that Sutton’s report did not appear until 1958, 29 years after his initial excavations in summer, 1929. The Zahn Mounds were his first mound excavations, and the beginning of a long career as an amateur archeologist, working in West Virginia and Ohio.
As someone working outside of the establishment, Ernest Sutton may have been initially unaware of the policy of secrecy enacted under the authority of Ales Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian, regarding the reporting of gigantic skeletons. As a result of these circumstances, Sutton may have gone public with what he considered to be very important anthropological discoveries in June of 1930, and then avoided the mention of the size of the skeletons in his official report filed almost three decades later. The Gazette article specifically mentions that the information came from Sutton himself, who had made some manner of presentation on the night of June 14th, the day before the article’s publication. The extensive and accurate details contained in the Exponent article may have been due to the reporter attending the same event, which could have been held at Salem University, where Sutton taught History and Geography.
There is evidence of the enforcement of the stigma against reporting gigantic remains in Sutton’s subsequent work. Between September of 1962 and October of 1963, Sutton excavated the Johnson-Thompson mound in Athens County, Ohio. However, several issues prevented the official report from being published until July of 1966 in the Ohio Archaeologist. Several of these issues are outlined in a piece of correspondence between Ernest Sutton and Martha Potter of the Ohio Historical Society, dated March 21st, 1966. Among the questions addressed are Sutton’s methods of determining the height of skeletons:
“I note some question by both you and Dr. Baby regarding my measurement of burials and what formula I use. By examination and checking, I find that the length of the femur bone is approximately one-third of the total length.”
In the letter, Sutton also assures Potter that the “Johnson-Thompson Mound report has been revised in conformity with instructions and is now returned.” This is clear evidence that large “official” organizations were enforcing specific criteria in the publication of archeological data. In relation to this, the specific reference to the measurement of skeletal height in Sutton’s letter would indicate that this subject was among those bounded by these criteria.
(A big thanks to Joshua Magaw for providing Sutton’s personal correspondence for this investigation.)
It is important to note that in relation to the measurements published for the gigantic skeletons from the Zahn Farm mounds, Sutton’s method of determining height would actually have underestimated the size of the buried individuals, since the actual ratio of femur length to overall height is closer to 1/3.5 or even 1/4, according to regression and absolute ratios used by scientists.
A review of the published Johnson-Thompson Mound report in light of this correspondence raises interesting possibilities. The report is embellished with Sutton’s usual attention to detail:
“The mound contained three extended burials and one flexed in the secondary mantle, and one extended and one semi-flexed burial on the mound floor. There were four distinct cremations although the large quantity of bone fragments suggests that the deposits represent more than four individuals.”
Sutton provides meticulous detail regarding the burials, as with these two interments 14 inches below the mound floor:
“They had been placed in a north-south position with heads toward the south. One burial, 5 feet 11 inches long, was that of a male and the other, 5 feet 3 inches long, was that of a female. The distance between the burials was 26 inches. A ridge of undisturbed subsoil separated them.”
However, two burials found in the northeast corner of the mound (burials 3 and 4) are not measured, even though the description offers numerous other details:
“Burial No.3, extended with the head toward north-east, was 35 inches above the mound floor. Burial No.4 with the skull to the south-west, was 27 inches above the mound floor. The skeletal material was in fair condition.”
Sutton notes that these burials were in the extended position. This along with their “fair condition” makes the absence of measurements even more suspect in light of Potter’s earlier inquiries regarding Sutton’s measurement techniques. Does this absent data reflect the alteration of the Johnson-Thompson Mound report to “conform” to the criteria of Potter and Baby as mentioned in Sutton’s letter?
Measurements are also absent from one other flexed and one extended burials from the mound, but this may be due to the fact that these two burials partly overlapped, making precise measurement difficult.
There are apocryphal sources detailing Suttons’ gigantic discoveries at the Zahn Mounds. One such account appears in Mound Builders, Indians, and Pioneers (1956), by William Price. Price wrote many of his entries based on interviews with witnesses. The wording of this passage certainly implies that he gained his information from Sutton himself:
“Mr. Sutton says that he believes the bones he recovered to have belonged to a very large skeleton. This idea corresponds with those gathered from other spots in the state and would lead one to think that a race of people who were larger than average size once lived through this part of the state.”
The authors’ investigation on the ground in Doddridge County revealed that Morgansville, where the Zahn Farm mounds were located, is no longer a town. However, contact was made with a credible source; who for the time being at least, wishes to remain anonymous. According to this source, there was a second excavation of the Zahn-Maxwell mound in 1960, and another gigantic skeleton had been uncovered. As with Page Lockard in 1929, an assistant at the site had stolen the giant. We were given the name of this individual and were told that the information was very sensitive due to the fact that surviving relatives still live in the region. The gigantic skeleton taken from the mound in 1960 was supposedly between 7 and 8 feet long, and had subsequently been “sold to a wealthy western buyer”.
Following this, inquiries were made with Ernest Sutton’s surviving family members and Salem University as to the current location of his materials. The authors were ultimately pointed in the direction of the Doddridge County Historical Society in the county seat of West Union. While reviewing Sutton’s materials, we were surprised to find a notebook in Ernest Sutton’s own handwriting containing none other than the detailed report of a second excavation of mound Do-2 conducted in 1960.
The journal contains excavation notes entered on a semi-daily basis between May 31, 1960 and July of the same year. This time the mound is referred to as the Powel-Fox Mound, due to a change of ownership of the two farms straddled by the tumulus.
In an entry dated July 6th, Sutton notes that a “possible burial area” had been located. This newly discovered tomb was located near those excavated 31 years previously, since the July 7th entry mentions the rediscovery of the 1929 excavation as the mound floor was reached. Interestingly, the remaining pages of the journal, which would have contained the details of the excavation of the tomb, had been torn out and lost. An inventory of finds with the journal mentions that the burial was “semi-flexed, 9 inches from the mound floor”, but unfortunately no measurements are given.
Remarkably, the notebook does contain consistent reference to the individual who was named by our source as taking a gigantic skeleton from the Powel-Fox mound during this second excavation. There is no question that this individual was an assistant in this unpublished second excavation in 1960.
Our inquiries as to the journal’s history turned up the fact that the only person to handle it other than Sutton’s own family and the Society was Edward McMichael, State Archeologist of West Virginia between 1960 and 1967. Had these pages been removed to conceal inconvenient truths?
The investigation of the Doddridge County giants yielded several significant points not only for giantology, but also of the history of archeology in the Ohio Valley.
To begin with, the details of the Newspaper articles associated with these particular finds were remarkably accurate, as noted above. Even the proper stratigraphy of the Zahn Farm Mounds is inherent in the accounts, along with the correct artifacts from the site. This should raise some question as to whether many of the more incredible articles extant regarding giants from mounds may not also contain accurate data. Certainly, all of the press stories utilized by giantologists can no longer simply be written off as Yellow Journalism in the face of comparisons such as these. The authors have found many more such instances to be included in their forthcoming book.
The investigation also provided a rare glimpse into the relationship between skilled amateurs such as Ernest Sutton and large organizations such as the Ohio Historical Society during the mid twentieth century, the most important era for the development of Woodland Archeology. In fact, it was people like Ernest Sutton who pioneered the exploration of the tumuli of the Adena and Hopewell Cultures out of the sheer love of the subject matter, though the establishment today largely downplays this fact. As evidenced by the correspondence between Sutton and the Ohio Historical Society, there was a clear editing and censorship of field reports undertaken at the hands of individuals such as Raymond S Baby and Martha Potter. Sutton’s letter also mentions several artifacts which Baby himself removed from the site and failed to reproduce for the published report. This tendency of Baby’s actually beleaguered Sutton’s work on a regular basis.
Finally, the history of the Zahn Farm Mounds suggests that for some time, there was an interest in acquiring gigantic skeletons. Our investigation suggested that individuals who joined as assistants to Sutton’s excavations may have looted this single site more than once, during a period spanning over 30 years. According to our source, this practice was well known decades ago in the region. The question emerges as to who would have had such a desire for gigantic remains as to offer monetary reward for them? In relation to this we would point to the fact that after the late 1800s, the names of wealthy families and various philanthropies begin to appear in the reports of mound excavations around the United States, often in connection with gigantic skeletons. In their forthcoming book, the authors will attempt to demonstrate what may have been the true motive for the confiscation of the race of giants from the historical record.